Schaeffer then launches into a discussion regarding civil
liberties and the role of the state and how under the Christian consensus
freedoms were able to flourish without chaos (for the racial-tribal majority we
might add) and yet once the consensus was removed, the very same freedoms
became self-destructive.
Again, not everything he says here is wrong but the framing
is erroneous. The issue was not with regard to the presence of a Christian
consensus but in terms of social values and the values of restraint and
austerity as opposed the decadent effects of power, wealth, individualism and
consumerism.
Now why would I say the Christian element is not so important
in this case? I would simply point to previous examples of this. It fits a
pattern and the pattern has little to do with a Christian consensus. While this
is a problem for Schaeffer it certainly isn't for the New Testament-oriented
Biblicist who denies the very concept of a Christian consensus to begin with.
In other words Schaeffer is begging the question and since his assumed premise
is wrong so are his conclusions.
Republican Rome valued austerity, selflessness and civic
virtue. There was a consensus because the values were rooted in common tribe
and in a context in which the social disparities were minimal. This combination
helped to tamp down the anti-social impulses of individualism.
As Rome grew into an empire the laws once so prized were
abused. Consumption became a virtue. Social disparity grew, leading to public
and political tensions and the constant threat of civil war. Cosmopolitanism
and wealth also decimated the old values and celebrity and the lust for raw
power replaced civic virtue. Patriotism was abused and manipulated by men who
sought their own aggrandisement.
And just like now, there were social critics and commentators
who lamented the decline of order and values and Rome followed the same path
that the American Empire is headed toward – an elite arose that vied for power
and the unrest led to people embracing dictatorship as an efficient and
effective means of rule and the keeping of the peace.
The pattern is more or less the same and yet the 'Christian
consensus' factor had nothing do with it. It's a fiction. What Schaeffer is
really talking about is a civilisational pattern that has occurred the world
over and so as Christians we can admit that it's not always pleasant to live
through the tumult and the changes – but at the same time we ought to have the
discernment to understand what is happening. Our status as pilgrims stays the
same and while there are some frustrations and dangers associated with the
changes, there also opportunities and (at least in terms of the Church) some of
the previous dangers and distractions are removed. We do not celebrate the
decline in order and social values but as the order celebrated by Schaeffer was
never Christian anyway – our perspective is a little more reflective. And given
that the previous order (in being confused by many (both within and without the
Church) with Christianity) was actually harmful to the overall testimony and
mission of the Church – we hardly lament its passing.
Schaeffer's arguments in this episode are rooted in a series
of false premises and therefore result in non
sequitir – conclusions which do not result from the premise. His arguments
are generally speaking null and void.
He may lament the imperial judiciary but seems unwilling to
entertain the history and development of US jurisprudence and Constitutional
Law. Again, I understand it's a short documentary but then you can't make such
claims without even addressing the basis for making them.
He is right about the breakdown of the Right-Left divide at a
certain point. That point is when society moves in a totalitarian direction. At
that juncture the raw power of the state and its controlling mechanisms take
over and the state becomes an end in and of itself. When it reaches that place,
whether it dresses itself up in Right-wing garb or in the accoutrements of the
Left – it makes little difference, especially to the non-aligned person just
trying to survive under its shadow.
His analysis of social pressures is another one of those
rather dated moments. In the late 1970's and 1980's there were real problems
with inflation and economic malaise. I remember the crushing interest rates
that brought down my father's business during that time. The US would emerge
from this but the provided solutions would only unleash new problems which
still vex and plague society to this day. Today, the Federal Reserve acts very
differently in light of inflation but the US was undergoing an economic
transition during that period. Some problems were solved but others were
created.
The real issue is not inflation, high interest rates or the
deficit. These are all factors that affect society but the real economic
catastrophe that took place in the 1970's was (from the Church's perspective) the
shift toward two-income family structures which would only intensify in the
1980's as the standard of living began to rise.
Terrorism was a threat in the 1970's and this would obviously
intensify and yet (perhaps ironically) some nineteen years after 9/11 and the
launch of the War on Terror, it's actually less of a threat now. This is not
because of a victory won but because the US in moving on has generated new
enemies – and as such it is focusing less on the jihadis it once so vigorously created
and sought.
Terrorism was always used and manipulated by politicians to
push through their agendas and yet it's not convenient at the moment as there
are other threats.
Of course in the years since 9/11, the greatest terroristic
threat at least in the West has come from the radical Right and I'm afraid this
is likely to get worse. While Schaeffer pulled no actual triggers, few would
dispute his role in inspiring the anti-abortion movement. This combined with
Dominionism caused some – those on the fringes of the larger movement – to take
violent terroristic action.
The threat of war remains and in some sense is greater today
as the relative stability of the Cold War has been removed. Of course in 1977
it didn't seem possible that the Cold War would end before the next decade was
complete.
Food and resource shortages continue to be a problem and the
competition is a driving factor in global struggle and conflict. But it must be
understood that these factors are intensified by market manipulation,
speculation and easily fall prey to Great Power politics. It's not just the
stress of population though that is real enough to be sure. Many of Schaeffer's ideological descendants
downplay and deny this fact and would even take issue with Schaeffer's emphasis
regarding it.
But his conclusion was wrong. He suggests (in a spirit of
lamentation) massive redistribution schemes are on the horizon, failing to
grasp the power of the markets and their inherent cruelty. We're nowhere near
such a scheme. In fact it's not even on the table.
In his final Dominionist-driven appeal, we're told Society
will be saved by a return to God's revelation. And how does
this harmonize with the equally venerated US Constitution and its liberal
values? And in light of 1 Corinthians 1-3, can we really take Schaeffer's claim
seriously? Just how is this accomplished apart from the regenerating work of
the Holy Spirit? And has the Holy Spirit promised to work through the state?
The legislature? War? Cultural manipulation? Schaeffer repeatedly begs the
question.
Does Schaeffer believe in the role of the Holy Spirit or is
that Kingdom-building role somehow fulfilled in the cultural institutions of
man? I would need to see evidence that the Spirit promises to work through
these means but the evidence just isn't there.
The conclusions while I'm sure deeply stirring to some are
simply put – nonsense, an exhibition of wishful non-reason rooted in a
dream-driven eisegesis of both history and the text of Scripture.
It was a sad and rather weak end to the series, but I believe
one more article is required to consider its impact, the aftermath and
Schaeffer's legacy.
Continue reading Part 11
Continue reading Part 11
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