Not a few Constitutional scholars would question if not
reject his opening salvo as something rendered moot by both the president's
role as Commander-in-Chief as well as the 14th Amendment and its
empowerment of the Federal Government to provide equal protection.
In terms of legal theory, much of his argument is rendered if
not obsolete, then theoretical at best. Many jurists would question as to
whether a temporary quarantine is the same as the elimination of freedom. An
imposition yes, but in connection to a crisis, what is tantamount to war or a
threat to the security of the country would (certainly by historical
estimations) fall under the purview of executive action. The War Powers Act
grants the president authority to temporarily 'wage war' which of course would
include the imposition of martial law. There are actually multiple angles to
approach this question.
Should Congress take an active role in terms of a 'declaration'
that would then grant the executive full powers? Perhaps, but again legal
precedent has modified some of these arguments, and in political terms (for
good or ill) both Left and Right (for different reasons and with different
intents) support the current pro-executive position. The Left would support the
commander's role and/or the empowerment of the federal government as a principle
of public security, while the Right of course adores the doctrine of the
Unitary Executive.
While on one level I would agree that government 'aggression'
is immoral, that's a hard argument to make in Biblical terms... terms which are
not cased in covenantal language but in general or natural categories. Rome may
as magistrate do 'good' and clearly that is not a covenantal or righteous good.
And part of that 'good' is in reference to the sword... a tool representing a
violence we as Christians are to eschew. It's not a 'good' that we can partake
of because its 'good' is limited to being a restraint on this present evil age.
It's a good that is in the final analysis something akin to a necessary
evil.... necessary but indeed evil and as such it's nothing we (as Christians)
should partake of.
Napolitano (in direct contradiction with his Roman
Catholicism) seems to want to imply the state has no right to violence but of
course that's what the state is. In terms of the US Constitution it recognises
the right to declare and wage war and thus I find his argument (in terms of the
state, non-aggression and Rothbard) falls flat on all fronts including (as he
admits) stare decisis or precedent.
I find any appeal to the framers and ratifiers to be
problematic as they didn't agree, left certain critical questions in the
Constitution unresolved and vague and clearly Washington, the founding hero whose
credentials cannot be questioned, did not hold Napolitano's or the Libertarian
view. Washington was in agreement with Alexander Hamilton's concepts of
Federalism and clearly believed he had the right, duty and Constitutional
authority to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion just a few years after
ratification. Indeed, such crucial concepts such as Judicial Review were
controversial from the beginning and there was sharp disagreement among the
framers and ratifiers as to what was the role of the courts and the nature of
checks and balances. Even the Bill of Rights was passed with considerable controversy.
There is no real consensus among the framers and founders apart from the
nebulous, controversial and sometimes contradictory legacy that is the US
Constitution. Napolitano is making misleading statements in that he's not
qualifying them but rather is pushing a specific thread and insisting it is
(and was) the only legitimate train and trajectory of legal thought. It's just
not the case.
Powers are delegated and yet once again the original language
is vague and like it or not the country fought a war in the 19th
century that was tantamount to a referendum... a revisiting of a system which
had within a couple of generations already failed. The post-war amendments
tweaked the Constitution and by some accounts clarified it and to many thinkers
the ill-defined and by some accounts unworkable 10th Amendment was
effectively dead.
And yet it wasn't that simple as many issues were set aside
to simmer for a couple of generations and of course society changed and with
those changes the principles of the 18th century had to be applied
in a new context. Though I'm no fan or advocate of modernity and progressive
reform the idea that concepts had to remain static in 18th century
terms was something neither the framers nor any other legal mind ever entertained
until the culture wars of the 20th century. The Constitution is a
legal document, not Scripture. Those that treat it as the latter are by
definition... heretics. They are heterodox in terms of legal theory and
certainly in terms of Christianity.
In terms of the claimed assault on liberty found in the
expansion of powers, well, I think some in this country would say the expansion
of federal powers led to more liberty, whether from slavery or otherwise. And
again, Napolitano assumes all the Founders and the history of law all rest on a
libertarian view of personal liberty... which it doesn't. Liberty can also be
framed in terms of 'access' for all and in terms of 'order' which some would
argue is necessary for individual freedom to be properly exercised. And this is
just the tip of the iceberg. I have to believe Napolitano knows this but has
chosen to ignore it for the sake of his audience.
His paragraph on the states forming the federal government
can be questioned on many fronts, but again the simplest way to address the
question is in terms of the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th
Amendment which fundamentally changed the nature of federalism. Napolitano and
others may not like the results of the Civil War but it did fundamentally
change the nature of Federalism and the relationship between Washington and the
states, as well as the question of state's rights.
I find many in these circles seem to consider this
development illegitimate (an unconstitutional amendment as it were) but at this
point after 160 years on the books and roughly a century of examples of these
concepts in action and application, their case is (legally speaking) pretty
much null and void. In fact their neglect of the 14th Amendment is
in terms of Constitutional jurisprudence akin to rejecting one of the primary
articles or one of the other amendments. It doesn't stand.
So, can the federal government quarantine people without 'proof'
of contagion and imminent assault? Napolitano says 'no', and yet the answer is
clearly 'yes'. Now, what is the 'proof 'of contagion and threat of imminent
assault that Napolitano is referring to? Again, this is not a straightforward
answer. Many (if not most) legal scholars would say the criteria have already
been met. With regard to Napolitano the more salient question would be.... what
would constitute proof? And who gets to decide what or what isn't legitimate
proof that would constitute grounds for executive action?
Interestingly the Trump administration's bumbling and
buffoonish handling of the situation has led to the federal government not taking
the lead... but instead leadership is clearly in the hands of the states. It's
the states that are issuing the quarantine orders. Governors are not sitting
idle waiting on the inept administration that currently runs the White House. Is
that more acceptable to Napolitano? In some respects it ought to be.
His due process argument and requirement for a trial is
quaint and yet no serious scholar would even entertain it. Is this a
shortcoming on the part of the founders and drafters of the Constitution?
Perhaps, but it could also be argued that the powers were granted in the
Constitution to the Executive and yet the (at the time) controversial Bill of
Rights has generated contradictions. In the past a state-wide response would
have made more sense but both the fallout from the Civil War, the nature of imminency
in the techno-nuclear post-World War II era and certainly in light of
Globalism, most have embraced (right or wrong) Executive-creep, in allowing the
White House to respond to threats and situations in the short term... as
waiting for the (highly politicised) legislative and judicial process is not
always realistic or by some estimates responsible leadership.
Finally, Napolitano really shows his hand in his concluding
statements... statements which are actually anti-Constitutional... which sort
of defeats the premise of his whole argument.
Additionally they are anti-Biblical statements that no Christian
can support.
Taxation is not theft. Sorry. The Constitution doesn't
support that view and neither does the Scripture. That's an Enlightenment ultra-Libertarian
principle rooted in a false philosophical system that Napolitano has utilised
to ground his economic, political and judicial theory.
The impairment of economic activity (what he insists on
calling liberty) by regulation is not a 'wrong'. It is permitted both
Constitutionally and no Christian (on various principles) can oppose it in toto. A Sacralist theology would have
to (if honest) demand regulation and even a Separatist-Pilgrim minded theology
recognises its practical value and import. Can it be abused? Of course and we
would expect it to be because man is fallen and even Libertarianism won't fix
it... neither will market forces which are never neutral, nor do they operate
in a vacuum... nor (we might add) are such 'neutralist' principles in
compliance with Biblical ethics.
The slaughter of innocents by war is something all Christians
should oppose and yet Napolitano gives great credence to the Constitution and
utilises it as an authoritative standard. The document supports war and the
waging of it. It is of course not a Christian document and is in fact grounded
in wicked and murderous actions (the 1776 Rebellion) that led to the formation
of the United States and its government. That said, in Providential terms such
developments were 'ordained by God' and thus we submit to the results... but
that's a far cry from supporting and endorsing these entities. Nevertheless
fallen governments which are violence (in their essence) wage war. It is the
course of this age. Our calling is to turn away from such wars and the
principles which undergird them. Thus, we do not serve in their armies or (for
that matter) vote in their elections and thus endorse and support the system
and all its wicked aspirations and deeds. This is a very different attitude
from the Libertarianism of Napolitano, his laudable but flawed paradigm for the
decrying of slaughter as well as numerous contradictory principles regarding
the state.
As far as the infringement of expressive liberties, he's
speaking from the framework of rights... a concept that is absent from the
Bible. In terms of the Constitution the various rights (as has been proved over
time) will at times come into conflict with each other and such questions have
to be resolved... no easy task. Most Christians actually embrace the
restriction of certain expressive liberties as indeed living in a libertine
society can at times be as oppressive as living in an authoritarian setting.
Regardless we're called to bear witness to Christ and worship Him. Liberties
are helpful but also have the potential to mislead and confuse.... as is the
case with Napolitano, the Christian Libertarian movement, and certainly the
Christian embrace of Classical Liberalism.
In some respects I have little interest in such questions but
I find this line of argument to be misleading and in some cases dangerous. But
most of all I am concerned that Christians are being taken in by it.
For my part, I view the Constitution as something of a
fiction, a convenient but mythologised instrument used and abused by those in
power... to wield and acquire power and to check the aspirations and plots of their
political enemies. It's akin to a football that lost its real import long ago.
The truth is it is a deeply flawed document crafted for an 18th
century agrarian society of just 4 million people. The idea that it could stand
without change, deliberate modification, development and the like is a pipe
dream. This is why most modern liberal democracies will from time to time
produce new constitutions.
All that said, any politician who has voted to support
something like the Patriot Act has already refuted and rejected the principles
of the founders and the underlying principles which (at least ostensibly) undergird
the US Constitution. Napolitano and I would be in agreement on that point. For
that matter I would rather not see the government impose quarantines. But my feelings
do not override the law, even especially wicked laws such as the Patriot Act. That
said, there's no going back and in fact in light of Coronavirus, we're about to
open up a new chapter of legal development. This is the next 9/11 and even if
things calm down in May, August or after, it's never going to be quite the same.
There's going to be a rash of new legislation and just as with 9/11, a new
mentality is going to take hold. People will talk about it for a few years but
then they'll grow used to it and move on.
Will Church leaders provide guidance and wisdom? For the most
part 'no', and those that attempt to will largely do so from within a political
framework and then twenty years later when it's convenient they'll re-write
their own history and create a mythology about what they said, did and stood
for. We've seen it before and we're seeing it now.
The danger of Napolitano is that he's teaching people to
disobey and rebel on less than Biblical grounds, to make stands that are
neither theologically, historically or legally sound and many will confuse the
response of the state with genuine persecution... to their peril, for they fall
under the condemnation of Romans 13.
We will face difficulties and the Church will need to wrestle
with the question of quarantine vis-à-vis worship. The present ban is not a
move against Christians but a public health measure and yet it will open the
door to further restrictions and controls... especially for the churches that
have already wed themselves to the state in terms of regulation and finance.
We need sound thinking at this time but there's little to be
found.
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